Tradiens Research · Data essay 02

When Short Sellers Must Buy and No One Will Sell

A short squeeze needs two things at the same time: short sellers who are forced to buy, and a market in which almost no one will sell to them. In May 1901 a financial weekly that printed the prices day by day recorded the two together in the shares of the Northern Pacific Railway, and this essay measures Volkswagen in 2008 and GameStop in 2021 against that case.

Version 2.0 · first published Sep 24, 2026 · rewritten Oct 4, 2026


In January 2021 GameStop's share price rose more than 1,600% in about two weeks, and the widely reported explanation was that short sellers had been forced to buy shares back.

Between the close of trading on January 11, 2021, and the close on January 27, the share price of GameStop rose by more than 1,600%, according to a report that the staff of the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the country's securities regulator, published in October 2021.[1] The explanation most widely reported was that short sellers had been forced to buy shares back, and the report noted that "short selling and calls on social media for short squeezes received a great deal of media attention." A short seller borrows shares, sells them, and owes the same number of shares back later, so the bet pays off only if the shares can be bought back for less than they were sold for. A short squeeze, in the usual account, is what happens when the price rises instead and short sellers rush to buy back what they owe, which pushes the price higher still.

That account raises a question the cases in this essay can answer: if short sellers drive squeezes, does a large short interest, meaning many shares sold short and not yet bought back, show that a squeeze is coming? Behind it lies the essay's key question: what drives a short squeeze, and what brought the pressure down in these cases? The essay tests the usual account, because the SEC staff, who studied the trading itself, did not find short covering to be the main driver of GameStop's rise and warned that "the interplay between shorting and price dynamics is more complex than these narratives would suggest." Their evidence comes at the end. Before it come the Northern Pacific Railway in 1901, the central case, which a financial weekly recorded day by day, and Volkswagen in 2008, a briefer comparison told in the companies' own words.

The test starts with what a short seller owes and what can force a purchase.


A short seller owes back borrowed shares, and a demand from the broker, the buyer or the lender can force a purchase when it cannot be met another way.

A short seller's debt is a debt in shares, so a rising price makes it more expensive to repay but does not, on its own, set a date for repaying it. Buying the shares back to close the position is called covering, and until someone with a claim on the position makes a demand, covering remains the short seller's own decision. The sources used in this essay name three parties who can make such a demand: the broker, the buyer and the lender.

The first is the broker, who holds the short seller's collateral, called margin. When the price jumps, the SEC staff wrote, "short sellers would face margin calls requiring them either to post additional collateral or to exit their position," so a margin call forces a purchase only on sellers who cannot or will not add collateral.

The second is the buyer, under the New York Stock Exchange's rules as described in Sereno S. Pratt's 1903 handbook The Work of Wall Street.[2] The essay assumes that these rules held in May 1901 (the exchange's 1914 constitution gives the same delivery terms; the 1901 text was not found), uses them only for Northern Pacific, and does not claim they applied in 2008 or 2021; for 2021 it relies on the SEC staff's account of margin calls. Shares sold on the exchange had to be delivered by a set hour, and if they were not, the buyer could have the contract "closed out 'under the rule.'" The exchange's chairman would then "publicly buy in the stock at the best price that can be obtained," and the buyer "has a claim against the seller for the difference." The step was the buyer's choice rather than automatic, so a seller who missed the hour depended on what the buyer decided.

The third is the lender, who "has the right to demand return of the stock." A recalled loan that could not be repaid in shares fell under the same rule, so a lender's recall could end in the same way as a buyer's demand.

All three demands act on a debt in shares, and the total of such debts in one company's stock on a given date is its short interest, which this essay gives as a percentage of all the shares the company has issued, its shares outstanding. GameStop's own record shows what that number can tell and what it cannot.


GameStop's short interest was close to 100% of its shares outstanding from 2019 until early 2021, which showed the risk of a squeeze but not its timing.

According to the SEC staff report, GameStop's short interest "hit 50% of shares outstanding first in 2012 and then again in 2015, 2016, and 2018, before rising even further in 2019," and from then until early 2021 it "hovered around 100%." The same report gives the usual short interest at large non-financial companies as below 2.5% of shares outstanding and found that in January 2021 GameStop was the only stock whose short interest exceeded its shares outstanding. That is possible because a share can be lent more than once: a share lent to one short seller is sold to a buyer, the buyer can lend it to a second short seller, and two short sellers then owe the same share.

The price did not stand still while the short interest was that high. In 2020, the staff report records, the share price fell from "just over $6" at the start of the year to "under $3" in April, and ended the year at "a little under $20." Short interest stayed at about that level through those swings, so a high short interest sat alongside large moves in both directions, and the rise that made headlines came in January 2021.

This is why the size of the short interest could not tell anyone when a squeeze would come. A large short interest measures how many borrowed shares are still owed; it does not say when anyone will be forced to buy them back. The forcing comes from one of the demands described above, and even short sellers who are forced to buy drive the price up sharply only if few people are willing to sell to them. At GameStop, therefore, the short interest showed the risk of a squeeze but not its timing, and the missing part of the explanation lies on the other side of the trade, with the sellers.

A case from 1901 shows that other side, because there the shares for sale were taken up by two groups competing for control of a railway.


In spring 1901 two rival financial groups bought Northern Pacific Railway shares to win control of the company, and by the second week of May almost none were left for sale.

In the spring of 1901 two groups were competing for control of the Northern Pacific Railway, whose shares traded on the New York Stock Exchange. The Commercial & Financial Chronicle, a financial weekly, described the two sides: E. H. Harriman with the bank Kuhn, Loeb & Co., "acting on behalf of the Union Pacific interests," and James J. Hill with the bank J. P. Morgan & Co., "representing the present management of the Northern Pacific."[3] Both groups were buying the same shares to win control, with the two banking houses doing the buying for them, and the weekly's daily table of prices records the result: Northern Pacific's common shares, the class this essay follows throughout (the company also had preferred shares), rose from a low of $101 on April 22 to a high of $149¾ on Tuesday, May 7. By the close that Tuesday, the Chronicle reported, the public had found that the stock was "cornered."

Because the weekly printed each day's lowest and highest price, the whole episode can be followed day by day, and that is what the first figure does.

Figure 1 · Northern Pacific Railway, common shares · April 20 – May 17, 1901 · daily price range, regular-way trades

The price rose from a $101 low on April 22 to a $700 high on May 9. Cash trades reached $1,000.

The price rose from a $101 low on April 22 to a $700 high on May 9. Cash trades reached $1,000.
daylowest sale, regular wayhighest sale, regular way
Apr 20, 1901$102.25$103.625
Apr 22, 1901$101$102.75
Apr 23, 1901$101.875$104.75
Apr 24, 1901$102.875$105
Apr 25, 1901$104$107.75
Apr 26, 1901$106.5$109
Apr 27, 1901no entryno entry
Apr 29, 1901$109.75$119.5
Apr 30, 1901$114.75$117.25
May 1, 1901$113.25$117
May 2, 1901$113.75$116.625
May 3, 1901$107$115
May 4, 1901$108$110
May 6, 1901$114$133
May 7, 1901$127.75$149.75
May 8, 1901$145$180
May 9, 1901$160$700
May 10, 1901$150$160
May 11, 1901no entryno entry
May 13, 1901$160$165.75
May 14, 1901$150$162
May 15, 1901$139$145.25
May 16, 1901$140$144.75
May 17, 1901$148$148
May 9, 1901, cash (same-day delivery)$1000
Settlement price announced after the close on May 9$150
Shares traded, week to Apr 26353,174
Shares traded, week to May 3430,400
Shares traded, week to May 10635,574
Shares traded, week to May 174,583

Each bar spans one day's lowest and highest sale price in regular-way trading, as printed in the Commercial & Financial Chronicle. The record gives no closing prices, so no line joins the bars; the two Saturdays without an entry are labeled gaps, not zeros; and May 17, when both prices were $148, is a short tick. The price scale is proportional: each step up the grid is the same percentage rise. The 4,583 shares of the last week are as printed; the record gives no reason for the fall.

Source: The Commercial & Financial Chronicle, April 27, May 4, May 11 and May 18, 1901, Stock Record (FRASER, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis); public domain.

Figure 1 · step 1 of 3

Start at the left of the chart, where each bar shows one trading day. The highlighted bars run from April 22, when the lowest price paid was $101, to May 8, when the highest reached $180, and the bar for Tuesday, May 7, carries the label for the day on which, according to the Chronicle, the stock was "cornered." Notice that the bars stay short and low into early May, then climb and grow longer from Monday, May 6, to Wednesday, May 8, because this is the stretch in which two groups were buying the same shares to win control of the railway.

The Chronicle's word "cornered" needs care. A corner, in the ordinary sense, is one buyer's deliberate campaign to take up nearly all the shares that could be delivered, so that short sellers must buy from that buyer at whatever price it names. The paper denied that this had happened: "there has been no 'corner' in the ordinary sense … Whatever strain has occurred was the undesigned result of legitimate buying. Two opposing parties were seeking possession of the same property." Its price table's "cornered" described a result, short sellers who could not get shares to deliver, rather than a plan.

By Thursday, May 9, some of the people who had sold shares they did not hold had to deliver them, and could not find any to deliver.


On May 9, 1901, some short sellers could neither borrow nor buy Northern Pacific shares to deliver, and the price reached $700 in regular-way trades (for next-day delivery) and $1,000 for same-day delivery.

Thursday, May 9, was the day the shortage reached the short sellers. They were not parties to the fight for control: a week later the Chronicle reported that "certain dealers who sold the stocks short, largely on London account," that is, mostly on behalf of clients in London, "had found on Thursday that they could not borrow or buy them for delivery." The paper's market report recorded "an advance of Northern Pacific shares on Thursday to $1,000 cash and $700 for delivery in the regular way." That day's regular-way trades ranged upward from a low of $160, after a range of $145 to $180 on Wednesday. The two highest prices therefore belong to two kinds of trade, one for next-day delivery and one for delivery at once.

The two kinds of trade are set out in the same handbook of the exchange's rules. A trade could be made for "cash," that is, "for delivery and payment upon the day of sale," or "regular," which was "for delivery upon the business day following the day of sale"; deliveries were due before 2:15 p.m., and "the vast majority of sales are regular."

The Chronicle reports the two prices but does not say why they were so far apart. Those rules suggest why a gap could open, though not why it was this large, and the steps that follow are our own reasoning from them, not the paper's account. Short sellers who had sold in the regular way on Wednesday had to deliver by 2:15 p.m. on Thursday. A share bought in the regular way on Thursday would arrive only on Friday, a day too late, so short sellers who could not borrow shares could get them in time only by buying for cash. On that day, then, the regular-way price was the price of a share delivered tomorrow, and the cash price was the price of a share in hand today. The buy-in rule described earlier also explains why being bought in would not have spared such sellers. If they failed to deliver and the buyer chose to close the contract out, the chairman would buy the shares publicly at the best price that could be obtained, and the sellers would owe the difference, so a buy-in changed who did the buying while leaving the sellers to bear whatever price was paid. The record does not say whether any of the day's highest trades were buy-ins or who made them, and the essay does not assume that all of those buyers were short sellers.

The Chronicle itself was clear about what had driven the price: "the market was swept bare of floating stock," that is, of shares available for sale, "and the efforts to cover by speculators who had sold short resulted in sending the price of the common shares up" to the prices just described. On that day, therefore, the paper's own account contains the two conditions of a squeeze together: short sellers who had to deliver shares they could neither borrow nor buy, and a market with no floating stock left to sell to them.

Figure 1 · step 2 of 3

Now look at the bar for Thursday, May 9. It runs from $160 to $700, the lowest and highest prices paid that day in regular-way trades, for delivery on the next business day, and it is far longer than any bar before it. The separate mark above it, at $1,000, is not the top of the bar: it is the highest price paid for cash, that is, for delivery the same day, and it is drawn apart because it was paid on different terms. The distance between the two shows how far the highest price paid for delivery at once rose above the highest price paid for next-day delivery.

After the market closed that day, it was announced that the two banking houses had agreed to new terms for the short sellers who owed them shares.


On May 9, after the market closed, it was announced that the two banking houses would let short sellers who owed them shares settle at $150 a share in cash instead of delivering.

The change came in two steps on the same day. Early in the afternoon, the two banking houses agreed not to demand delivery of Northern Pacific shares that day. After the market closed, it was announced, in the Chronicle's words, that "a settlement price for Northern Pacific … had been agreed upon by J. P. Morgan & Co. and Kuhn, Loeb & Co. as the figure at which all who had sold stock short to them and who now found that they could not deliver it could make a settlement."

The settlement relieved the pressure because it removed the demand that had forced these short sellers to buy. For those who had sold to the two houses, the obligation to deliver shares they could not get was replaced by a settlement at an agreed price, so they no longer had to buy in a market with almost no sellers, and the settlement price lay below every regular-way price paid on May 9. Only the buyers to whom the shares were owed could lift that demand, because, as described earlier, closing out a contract was the buyer's choice. The Chronicle described the result in the same terms: the tension was "relieved only by the agreement on the part of the leading houses not to insist on the usual deliveries of stock and to settle each with its own 'shorts' on the basis of $150 per share in cash." The settlement price was the figure at which these unfinished contracts would be settled, not a trade on the exchange, and the Chronicle does not say how the money changed hands, so neither does the essay.

The agreement applied only to short sales made to the two houses. The pressure therefore eased, and for those particular short sellers it ended; for the others the sources do not say, and in the following week the price stayed far above its April level, as the figure shows. The record shows the pressure lifted by an agreement, not by shares coming to market.

The records of the time do not say why the two houses agreed. Alexander Dana Noyes, who wrote a history of American finance in 1909, said that the crisis passed when the two rival bidders, "their hands forced by the disastrous results which their quarrel had invoked, came together and agreed on conditions which would relieve the victims of the corner."[4]

Volkswagen in 2008 is a modern comparison, with a large holder that said it meant to raise its stake, but its record is much thinner.

Figure 1 · step 3 of 3

Now look at the horizontal line at $150. It is not a trade: it marks the settlement price announced after the close on May 9 for short sales made to J. P. Morgan & Co. and Kuhn, Loeb & Co. The bars to the right of May 9, from May 10 to May 17, stayed between $139 and $165¾, far below the extremes of May 9 but above every bar of April. In the weekly-volume panel underneath, the fourth column is almost flat: only 4,583 shares traded that week, and the Chronicle's market report remarked that "only limited transactions were recorded in Northern Pacific," without giving a reason.


In October 2008 Porsche disclosed that it held 42.6% of Volkswagen's ordinary shares and cash-settled options on another 31.5%; two days later the shares closed at a record €945, and no primary source shows how much of that rise came from short sellers buying back.

On October 26, 2008, Porsche Automobil Holding SE said that at the end of the previous week it had held 42.6% of Volkswagen's ordinary shares and cash-settled options on a further 31.5%.[5] Volkswagen also had non-voting preferred shares, which these figures leave out. An option of this kind is a contract that pays its holder the rise of the share price above an agreed price, and because these options were settled in cash, Porsche would receive money, not shares. The banks that wrote these options owed Porsche any rise in the price, and a bank in that position can protect itself by holding the shares; whether these banks did so, and kept the shares rather than selling or lending them, no source states.

Porsche, which said it intended to hold 75% of the ordinary shares in 2009, gave the short sellers as its reason for the disclosure: there were "by far more short positions in the market than expected," and the disclosure would let them "settle their relevant positions without rush and without facing major risks." The other large holder was the state of Lower Saxony. Figure 2 adds its stake at the end of 2008 to Porsche's report, and the remainder it shows rests on that assumption about the banks, which is explained beneath the figure.

Figure 2 · Volkswagen ordinary shares · Porsche's position at the week ending October 24, 2008 · Lower Saxony's stake at December 31, 2008

Porsche reported 42.6% in shares and options on a further 31.5%; Lower Saxony held 20.0%.

Porsche reported 42.6% in shares and options on a further 31.5%; Lower Saxony held 20.0%.
part of Volkswagen's ordinary sharessharedate
Porsche SE, ordinary shares42.6%end of the week to October 24, 2008
Porsche SE, cash-settled options (options, not shares)31.5%end of the week to October 24, 2008
State of Lower Saxony20.0%December 31, 2008
Remainder, calculated by Tradiens (100% minus the three parts, two dates)about 6%—

Each bar stands for all of Volkswagen's ordinary shares. The first row is Porsche's report, with its options drawn lower and in a different tone than its shares; the second is Lower Saxony's stake, from a later date; the third sets the two side by side. The remainder of about 6% is our own calculation: 100% minus the three parts, from two dates. It counts the options as if the banks behind them held matching shares and kept them; an option itself is not a share, and without that assumption the options take no shares off the market. No short-selling figure is drawn, because there is no primary source for one.

Sources: Porsche SE press release, October 26, 2008; Volkswagen AG, Annual Report 2008; remainder calculated by Tradiens.

Two days after the announcement, on October 28, Volkswagen's ordinary shares closed at €945.00, the highest close in the company's history.[6] In the days after the disclosure, Porsche announced that it would settle "up to five percent of the hedging positions," that is, part of its option position rather than shares. Volkswagen attributed the fall in its shares that followed to Porsche's announced settlement of part of its hedging positions together with the worsening economy. On the last trading day of 2008 the shares stood at €250.00. In March 2016 the Regional Court of Stuttgart acquitted Porsche's former chief executive, Wendelin Wiedeking, and its former finance chief, Holger Härter, of market manipulation.[7] The verdict is a reminder that a squeeze is not in itself evidence of wrongdoing.

Volkswagen's record thus rests on the companies' own words, and it cannot show how large the short positions were (see the Methodology) or how much of the rise came from short sellers buying back. GameStop is the case in which a regulator's staff examined who was buying.


SEC staff found that short covering likely contributed to sharp rises in GameStop's price in discrete periods, particularly January 22 to 27, but that the weeks-long rise was sustained by positive sentiment rather than by covering.

The SEC staff report did find a squeeze inside GameStop's rise. Staff observed that "during some discrete periods, GME had sharp price increases concurrently with known major short sellers covering their short positions after incurring significant losses," and that at those times "short sellers covering their positions likely contributed to increases in GME's price"; GME is GameStop's stock-market symbol. Their example was the earlier rise from January 22 to 27, when "the price of GME rose as the short interest decreased." One short seller can also be named. Gabriel Plotkin, whose fund Melvin Capital had bet against GameStop, told a US House committee in February 2021 that the fund "started closing out its position in GameStop at a loss, not because our investment thesis had changed but because something unprecedented was happening."[8]

Staff also measured the buying as a whole: purchases by accounts that held large short positions on January 15, 2021, were, they found, "a small fraction of overall buy volume," with no percentage given, and "GME share prices continued to be high after the direct effects of covering short positions would have waned." Both findings hold because they describe different scales: across the whole period such buying was a small share, but at particular moments, when large short sellers were covering, it likely added to sharp rises.

What, then, kept the price up? The staff wrote that "the underlying motivation of such buy volume cannot be determined; perhaps it was motivated by the desire to maintain a short squeeze. Whether driven by a desire to squeeze short sellers and thus to profit from the resultant rise in price, or by belief in the fundamentals of GameStop, it was the positive sentiment, not the buying-to-cover, that sustained the weeks-long price appreciation of GameStop stock." In plain terms, the staff could not tell why the buyers bought, and allowed that some may have hoped to squeeze the short sellers; but what kept the price high for weeks was buying by investors who were not short, whatever their reason, rather than short sellers buying back.

The rise also did not wait for the covering. The closing price had already jumped from $19.95 on January 12 to $31.40 on January 13, more than a week before the period the staff linked to covering. On January 13, according to the staff report, the number of accounts trading GME that day rose more than sixfold, from 9,220 the day before to 60,515.

The fall that followed was steep. From an intraday high of $483.00 on January 28, the price fell more than 86% by the close on February 5, and that fall, in the staff's word, coincided with brokers' trading restrictions; the report does not say that the restrictions caused it. GameStop, in short, had a short squeeze inside it, mostly in late January, but SEC staff concluded that a squeeze did not appear to be the main driver.

Figure 3 · GameStop · daily closing price, December 14, 2020 – February 25, 2021 · dollars before the 2022 4-for-1 split

SEC staff linked short covering particularly to January 22–27; the rise began earlier.

SEC staff linked short covering particularly to January 22–27; the rise began earlier.
trading dayclosing price, dollars before the 2022 split
2020-12-14$12.72
2020-12-15$13.85
2020-12-16$13.85
2020-12-17$14.83
2020-12-18$15.63
2020-12-21$15.53
2020-12-22$19.46
2020-12-23$20.57
2020-12-24$20.15
2020-12-28$20.99
2020-12-29$19.38
2020-12-30$19.26
2020-12-31$18.84
2021-01-04$17.25
2021-01-05$17.37
2021-01-06$18.36
2021-01-07$18.08
2021-01-08$17.69
2021-01-11$19.94
2021-01-12$19.95
2021-01-13$31.40
2021-01-14$39.91
2021-01-15$35.50
2021-01-19$39.36
2021-01-20$39.12
2021-01-21$43.03
2021-01-22$65.01
2021-01-25$76.79
2021-01-26$147.98
2021-01-27$347.51
2021-01-28$193.60
2021-01-29$325.00
2021-02-01$225.00
2021-02-02$90.00
2021-02-03$92.41
2021-02-04$53.50
2021-02-05$63.77
2021-02-08$60.00
2021-02-09$50.31
2021-02-10$51.20
2021-02-11$51.10
2021-02-12$52.40
2021-02-16$49.51
2021-02-17$45.94
2021-02-18$40.69
2021-02-19$40.59
2021-02-22$46.00
2021-02-23$44.97
2021-02-24$91.71
2021-02-25$108.73
2021-01-28, intraday high (not a close)$483.00

Each mark is one trading day's closing price. The tinted band marks January 22 to 27, the period SEC staff singled out; the separate mark at $483.00 is the intraday high on January 28, not a closing price. The price scale is proportional: each step up the grid is the same percentage rise.

Sources: SEC fails-to-deliver data files, which list each stock's closing price of the previous trading day; each price is shown here on the day it was set. Cross-checked against a commercial data provider. SEC staff report, October 14, 2021.

So the question the essay began with can now be answered, case by case.


A short squeeze happens when short sellers who must buy meet a market with almost no sellers. For May 9, 1901, the Chronicle recorded both conditions in Northern Pacific, and for the short sellers who owed shares to the two banking houses the pressure was relieved by the houses' agreement to settle in cash.

The answer has two parts, because a squeeze needs two conditions at once. The first is short sellers who must buy, and that obligation comes from a demand by the broker, the buyer or the lender. The second is a market with almost no sellers.

How the pressure came down differs from case to case. In Northern Pacific the Chronicle wrote that the tension was "relieved only by the agreement" of the two banking houses, an agreement that applied only to the short sellers who had sold to them; the sources do not say what became of the others, and the records of the time do not say why the houses agreed. Volkswagen's own explanation, Porsche's announced settlement of part of its hedging positions together with the worsening economy, concerns the later fall in its price and says nothing about short sellers. At GameStop the essay makes no claim about an easing: the short covering that SEC staff singled out came in late January, but the price had begun rising before it, and in the staff's words prices "continued to be high after the direct effects of covering short positions would have waned."

That leaves the opening question. A large short interest measures how many borrowed shares are still owed; it does not say when anyone will be forced to buy them back. GameStop's short interest had been about as large as all its shares outstanding since 2019, but the short covering that SEC staff singled out came in late January 2021, and in their view it was not the main driver of the rise. In Northern Pacific what the Chronicle recorded was short sellers who had to deliver shares they could neither borrow nor buy, in a market "swept bare of floating stock." No primary source that we found sizes the short positions in Northern Pacific or Volkswagen, so the essay does not claim that their size is unimportant. What the cases show is narrower: the timing of a squeeze comes from a demand that forces short sellers to buy, and its force comes from how few people will sell to them.


Methodology

The Northern Pacific figures come from one weekly paper of 1901, read from page images.

The Northern Pacific figures come from four weekly issues of The Commercial & Financial Chronicle, April 27 to May 18, 1901.[3] Its exchange table gives each day's lowest and highest price in regular-way trading, without closing prices (the only recorded close is $143½ on May 7), and has no entry for two Saturdays, April 27 and May 11, shown as gaps. The table's prices are in dollars per share, from sales of 100-share lots. We read every number from enlarged page images, not the machine-read text. Where the paper disagrees with itself, we follow the daily table (108 on May 4, against 114 in the weekly table). The settlement rules come from Pratt's 1903 handbook;[2] the exchange's 1914 constitution gives the same delivery terms,[9] but we did not find the 1901 text. We could not consult the New York Times or Wall Street Journal of the time.

Some questions about Northern Pacific are left open by the sources.

No source of the time that we found sizes the short positions. How many shares each side held is known from one side's claim printed in the Chronicle and from later biographies of Harriman and Hill and from Noyes; their figures disagree, so the essay gives none, although the later accounts agree that the Harriman side held a small majority of the common and preferred shares together, but not of the common.[10][11] On the settlement, Harriman's biographer George Kennan wrote in 1922 that Morgan's partner Robert Bacon was at first "a little reluctant," fearing he might lose stock that was due to his firm.

The panic of May 9 is noted here, not explained.

May 9 was also a day of general panic, and the Chronicle's own pages disagree about whether the corner caused it (its market report of May 11 against its editorial of May 18); the essay takes no side.

The GameStop figures are SEC staff findings and SEC data.

The GameStop figures come from the SEC staff report of October 14, 2021,[1] which gives the staff's views, not the Commission's, and from the SEC's fails-to-deliver data files,[12] which give each stock's closing price on the previous trading day, and we date each price to that day. The 50 closes in Figure 3 matched a commercial data provider to the cent, though the SEC does not guarantee them. The report gives short interest in two forms. Against shares outstanding it was 109.26% on December 31, 2020; against float it was 122.97% in January 2021. The essay uses shares outstanding because float has no single definition. The staff's buying measure excludes market makers and high-frequency traders and identifies short sellers by their positions on January 15, 2021; its trade data begin on December 24, 2020, so earlier positions are not visible.

The Volkswagen figures come from the companies' own reports.

Porsche's holdings come from its press release of October 26, 2008, and interim report to November 30, 2008, and the Volkswagen figures from Volkswagen's Annual Report 2008.[5][13][6] We found no freely republishable primary source for Volkswagen's daily prices in October 2008, so none is drawn. Figure 2's remainder of about 6% is our calculation, 100% minus the three parts, from two dates, and it counts the options as if the banks behind them held matching shares and kept them, which no source states. Volkswagen's short interest has no primary figure: in a US lawsuit, plaintiffs alleged that short sellers had to buy back "nearly thirteen percent" of the shares, which the appeals court accepted as true for its ruling but did not find; the suits in that case were dismissed because US securities law was held not to reach these largely foreign claims, and the appeals court made no finding about Porsche's conduct.[14]

Sources

  1. US Securities and Exchange Commission, Staff Report on Equity and Options Market Structure Conditions in Early 2021, October 14, 2021.
  2. Sereno S. Pratt, The Work of Wall Street, D. Appleton and Co., New York, 1903, chapter "The New York Stock Exchange," pp. 98–99, 103, 105–106, 108.
  3. The Commercial & Financial Chronicle, Vol. LXXII, Nos. 1870 (April 27, 1901), 1871 (May 4), 1872 (May 11) and 1873 (May 18): Stock Record; "The Financial Situation"; "Bankers' Gazette"; "Northern Pacific Ry. — Contest for Control"; "What Did It?" FRASER, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.
  4. Alexander Dana Noyes, Forty Years of American Finance, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1909, pp. 304–307.
  5. Porsche Automobil Holding SE, press release, "Porsche heads for domination agreement — Interest in Volkswagen increased to 42.6 percent," October 26, 2008.
  6. Volkswagen AG, Annual Report 2008, "Shares and Bonds," pp. 124–127 (Internet Archive copy).
  7. Porsche SE, press release, March 18, 2016.
  8. Gabriel Plotkin, written testimony, US House Committee on Financial Services, February 18, 2021.
  9. Constitution of the New York Stock Exchange and resolutions adopted by the Governing Committee, Searing & Moore Co., 1914, Art. XXIII §3, Art. XXVI §4.
  10. George Kennan, E. H. Harriman: A Biography, Vol. I, Houghton Mifflin, 1922, pp. 303–317.
  11. Joseph Gilpin Pyle, The Life of James J. Hill, Vol. II, Doubleday, Page, 1917, pp. 141–153.
  12. US Securities and Exchange Commission, Fails-to-Deliver Data, files cnsfails202012b, 202101a, 202101b, 202102a, 202102b.
  13. Porsche SE, Interim report, first four months of the 2008/09 fiscal year (August 1 – November 30, 2008).
  14. Parkcentral Global Hub Ltd. v. Porsche Automobile Holdings SE, 763 F.3d 198 (2d Cir. 2014).

How to cite this essay

Tradiens Research. (2026). When short sellers must buy and no one will sell (Version 2.0). Tradiens Data Essays. https://tradiens.com/essays/short-squeeze

@misc{tradiens2026shortsqueeze,
  author       = {{Tradiens Research}},
  title        = {When Short Sellers Must Buy and No One Will Sell},
  year         = {2026},
  version      = {2.0},
  howpublished = {Tradiens Data Essays},
  url          = {https://tradiens.com/essays/short-squeeze}
}
Tradiens Research · Data essay 02 · v2.0 Trade like you know.